THE KING-HAMY CHART AT THE HUNTINGTON LIBRARY: A HISTORICAL MAP MADE BY BATTISTA AGNESE

The anonymous manuscript world map known as the King-Hamy chart (San Marino, California, Huntington Library, HM 45) was ascribed a date of c. 1502 by one of its early owners, Ernest Hamy, in 1886, and a similar date has been accepted for the chart ever since. Yet a number of the chart’s features raise questions about this date. In fact, handwriting and other stylistic cues show it to have been made by the prolific Italian cartographer Battista Agnese, active from about 1536 to 1564. Agnese had made some historical maps in his manuscript atlases of the 1550s, and the King-Hamy map is revealed here to be not a map of the world made c. 1502 in the early stages of European expansion, as a historical map made by Agnese to show the image of the world held by Europeans in the early stages of the European expansion 1 .

"This we saw." 10 Ravenstein argues that this phrase shows that the map is based on a chart from da Gama's voyage of 1497- 99. 11 However, if the phrase refers to the Padrão de San Rafael, which seems likely, then the source map was not from da Gama's voyage, as da Gama himself set up that pillar on January 22, 1498, 12 and it would not make sense to emphasize that one had seen a pillar that one had set up. Nonetheless, the phrase does show that the source map for Africa included information from an early Portuguese voyage up the eastern coast of Africa, and the fact that it is in Italian confirms that the King-Hamy chart was made in Italy. 13 A section of the coast of northeastern South America is missing on the King-Hamy chart, and this is a feature shared by only two surviving maps: Vesconte Maggiolo's world map of 1504; 14 and the so-called Kunstmann II map, usually dated c. 1506 and thought to be an Italian map based on Portuguese sources (see illustration 2). 15 So the cartographer of the King-Hamy map was influenced by a map of this family. 10 One of the other sources the cartographer was using was Ptolemy's Geography, specifically for the Nile and the Red Sea, the southern Arabian Peninsula, the Persian Gulf and its shores, and all of southern Asia east to the Ptolemaic Magnus Sinus. The island of Taprobana in particular is clearly Ptolemaic in its location and form. Analysis of the spellings of the Ptolemaic place names in these regions indicates that the cartographer was using the 1478 Rome edition of Ptolemy, or else a manuscript illustration 2. detail showing the gap in the coast of south america, and also west africa, on the "kunstmann ii" of c. 1506, munich, bayerische staatsbibliothek, cod. icon. 133. with the permission of the bayerische staatsbibliothek.
with spellings very similar to those of that edition. 16 For example, east of Hormuz on the coast of the Indian Ocean the King-Hamy chart has tesa, and the 1478 edition of Ptolemy also has tesa. The 1477 Bologna edition has tesa as well, but the 1482 Ulm edition has tisa, as do the 1490 Rome edition, the 1508 Rome edition, and the 1513 Strasbourg edition (to cite just a few others). Further east the King-Hamy chart has deranoebilla, very similar to the spelling in the 1478 Ptolemy, Deranoebila, while the 1477 Bologna edition has deranoeuila, and the 1482 Ulm edition has Derrana villa, as do the 1490 Rome edition, 1508 Rome edition, and the 1513 Strasbourg edition. 17 Similarly in the southeastern part of the Arabian Peninsula, the King-Hamy chart has ambisagi, and the 1478 Ptolemy has the similar Abisagi, while the 1477 has abissa, as do the 1482, the 1490 Rome edition, the 1508 Rome edition, and the 1513 Strasbourg edition. 18 The King-Hamy chart depicts lands further to the east than Ptolemy knew, and this part of the map shows the influence of Marco Polo, both in the islands in the Indian Ocean (Seilan, Iava Minor, Iava Maior), and in the representation of the city of Quinsay and the Great Khan (M Canis de Cataio). 19 Moreover, the map shows clear evidence of which cartographic interpretation of Polo's geography the cartographer was using. The large peninsula jutting southward in eastern Asia, and the large triangular peninsula jutting eastward from the eastern coast of the continent, indicate that this part of the map derives, directly or indirectly, from a map by Henricus Martellus similar to that now in the Beinecke Library at Yale, which was made c. 1491. 20 16. On the Rome 1478 edition of Ptolemy see Sanz, Carlos. La Geographia de Ptolomeo, ampliada con los primeros mapas impresos de América, desde 1507. Madrid: Librería General V. Suárez, 1959: 73-79; and the introduction by R. A. Skelton to the facsimile of that edition, Ptolemy, Claudius. Cosmographia: Roma, 1478. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1966. 17. The 1478 edition of Ptolemy is not foliated, does not bear signature marks, and does not have chapter numbers, but these place names are in Book 6, towards the end of the text describing the sixth map of Asia, in the section on Carmanie situs. In the 1477 Bologna edition this section is on [b6 r ]; in the 1482 Ulm Ptolemy this section is on [g7 v ]; in the 1490 Rome edition this section is in Book 6, chapter 9, on g [1]; in the 1508 Rome edition, they are in Book 6, chapter 9; and in the 1513 Strasbourg edition they are in Book 6, chapter 9, f. 45v. 18. In the 1478 Ptolemy this place name is in Book  It is important to emphasize that not all the Ptolemaic place names on the King-Hamy map appear on even the most detailed expressions of Martellus's cartography -namely his map now at Yale, and Waldseemüller's 1507 map-so it is clear that the cartographer of the King-Hamy map was using as sources either the 1478 Ptolemy or a map that depended on it, in addition to a map in the Martellus tradition.
The King-Hamy chart, then, relies on a wide variety of cartographic sources: a map similar to the Vesconte Maggiolo map of 1504 and the Kunstmann II map for its depiction of the New World; an early Portuguese map for its depiction of Africa and the Mediterranean basin; the 1478 edition of Ptolemy or a map derived therefrom; and a map in the tradition of the Yale Martellus map. Hamy argued that the chart was un vrai portulan, une carte de navigation côtière, "a true nautical chart, a map for coastal navigation," and that it was designed to show the route around India to Calicut. 28 In fact the map is of a mixed genre, with elements from different mapping traditions, and while the whole western half of the map depends on maps in the nautical chart tradition, the whole eastern half depends on maps in the Ptolemaic tradition, including Martellus's expansion of Ptolemy with data from Marco Polo. The chart was not specifically designed to show the route to Calicut; if it were, there would be no point in including eastern Asia, the New World, and the northern and southern reaches of the world in the map. The cartographer had a larger and more philosophical purpose in mind than guiding a ship on a specific route.

The Cartographer of the King-Hamy Chart: Battista Agnese
An essential step in understanding the purpose and nature of the King-Hamy chart is the recognition that it was made by the prolific Italian cartographer Battista Agnese, who was active from about 1536 to about 1564. This is a surprising result -that a map generally thought to have been made c. 1502 was in fact made decades later-but it is amply supported by the evidence, and enables an explanation of the map's nature that is perhaps just as interesting as if it were one of the earliest surviving maps to depict the New World.
We have no significant documentary evidence about Agnese aside from his works. He was born in Genoa, probably around 1500, and worked in Venice, where he produced more than seventy manuscript atlases of nautical charts that survive today. 29 The earliest dated work of his that we have is an atlas he made in 1536. 30 He also made several separate nautical charts, most of which are unsigned and undated, and these have received less study. These show the part of the world usually depicted on a European nautical chart, which is to say Western Europe north to Scandinavia, the Mediterranean, North Africa, some of the Atlantic in the west, and the Holy  Thus Agnese had ample experience making nautical charts. It should be emphasized that the King-Hamy chart shows much more of the earth's surface than the charts just listed.
The task of determining whether an unsigned chart was made by Agnese is complicated by the fact that he assigned the painting of many of the decorative details on his maps to other artists. This is evident through an examination of the styles in which the decorative wind-heads are painted around the oval world maps in his atlases: the styles of the wind-heads vary greatly from one atlas to another. The same is true of other decorative elements in his atlases; however, some elements are consistent across his works.
One of the distinctive features of Agnese's maps is the way he colors the Red Sea. He does so in parallel bunches of short strokes made with a red pen, and this same style of coloring can be seen throughout his atlases, and not just in his maps of the eastern Mediterranean, but also in his world maps (see illustration 5) and on his nautical charts (see illustration 6). The same style is used to color the Red Sea on the King-Hamy map (see illustration 7   does not color the Red Sea this way in his other works -not in his world map of 1504, nor his nautical chart of 1516, nor his atlas of 1519, nor his nautical chart of 1541, nor his nautical chart of 1547. 49 So the style of coloring of the Red Sea on the King-Hamy chart may be taken as good evidence that it was made by Agnese. The handwriting on the King-Hamy chart is also Agnese's. To begin with the capital lettering used for the names of regions and seas, some distinctive elements appear consistently in Agnese's works: there is usually a long tail on the "R", a slight forward tilt of the "S", and the lower bar of the capital "L" often (but not always) rises somewhat higher than we might expect. These elements are visible in the capital lettering both in his atlases (see illustration 8) and nautical charts (see illustration 9). Precisely these same elements are found in the capital lettering on the King-Hamy chart (see illustration 10).
Capital lettering varies less from one writer to another, and thus does not provide the strongest evidence for ascription of a map to a particular cartographer, but the evidence of the capital lettering is strengthened if we note that the capital lettering of Agnese's disciple Francesco Ghisolfi is quite different: his "S" does not lean forward at all, that his "T" has ties at the ends of the bar that Agnese does not use, and the lower bar of his capital "L" does not rise like Agnese's does. 50 Moreover, the hand used for toponyms on the King-Hamy chart also matches Agnese's, as we can see in images of the same part of the southeastern coast of Africa in one of Agnese's atlases (see illustration 11) and the King-Hamy chart (see illustration 12). Many of the place names are different, but the hand is the same. One toponym on the King-Hamy chart that strongly connects the map with Agnese's work is the designation of the Azores as Insulae solis, or islands of the sun. This designation is frequent in Agnese's 49. For references on Vesconte Maggiolo's map of 1504 see note 13; his nautical chart of 1516 is in San Marino, California, Huntington Library, HM 427, and a good image of it is available via https://digitalscriptorium.org and https://hdl.huntington.org/. His atlas of 1519 is in BS, Cod. Icon. 135, and may be consulted by searching for urn:nbn:de:bvb:12-bsb00002700-1; his nautical chart of 1541 is in Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, F 31; and his nautical chart of 1547 is in NMM G230:1/4. 50. Examples of Ghisolfi's capital lettering may be consulted in HL, HM 28, good images of whose maps are available at https://digital-scriptorium.org/ and https://hdl.huntington.org/.
illustration 11. detail of handwriting on the southeastern coast of africa from mombacha to zafalla in one of agnese's atlases (san marino, huntington library, hm 27, f. 6r). by permission of the huntington library.
atlases and nautical charts, but appears on just a few works by other cartographers. 51 One of those works is the Kunstmann II map of c. 1502-06 mentioned earlier, which also shares with the King-Hamy chart a gap in the northeastern coast of South America. So it is possible that a non-Agnese cartographer made the King-Hamy chart copying both the interrupted coast of South America and the designation of the Azores as Insulae solis from a map like Kunstmann II. But given that the handwriting on the map is Agnese's, it makes more sense to see this designation of the Azores as yet another sign that the map was made by him.
A distinctive decorative detail also connects the King-Hamy chart with some of Agnese's nautical charts. Along the horizontal centerline of the rhumb line network on the King-Hamy chart, which coincides with the eastern equator, there are two eight-pointed stars, one well to the west of the circle of rhumb line nodes, the other well to the east (see illustration 1 and 13). The stars are located at the intersections of rhumb lines from the fourth pairs of rhumb line nodes in towards the center, and those rhumb lines enter the stars right along their rays at 45°. I do not know of similar stars positioned thus on any other nautical charts -except for on a few of Agnese's. 52 Specifically, similar eight-pointed stars appear on Agnese's charts now in Wolfenbüttel, Munich, and Parma (numbers 3, 5, Other graphic elements connect the King-Hamy chart to Agnese's nautical charts: the style of painting coastlines, heavily scalloped with breaks when there is an inlet, is the same; the style of painting rivers, with dark blue wavy lines, is the same; and the dark green, tightly-spaced mountains of the Wolfenbüttel chart are very similar to those of the King-Hamy chart. None of these features is unique to Agnese, but their concurrence in the King-Hamy chart helps to confirm that it was made by Agnese. Similarly, in all of Agnese's atlases and nautical charts, the northern and southern limits of the circle of rhumb line nodes coincide with the edges of the map, and this is also the case on the King-Hamy chart. There are many other charts on which this is the case, but it is certainly not the case with every chart, so this detail offers some minor support for the claim that the King-Hamy chart was made by Agnese.
illustration 13. detail of the star and western part of the rhumb line network on the king-hamy chart. by permission of the huntington library.
One final graphic element that connects the King-Hamy chart to Agnese is the scale of miles, which is unusually basic, just a string of dots, each in a small circle. Agnese uses precisely this style for the scales of miles in some of his atlases, 53   I am not aware of any other cartographer who uses exactly this style, not even Agnese's pupil Ghisolfi. 54

The King-Hamy Chart as a Historical Map
The fact that it was Battista Agnese who made the King-Hamy map raises an important question: why would a cartographer working between 1536 and 1564 make a map that shows what people thought the world looked like in about 1502? One possible explanation is that Agnese copied the chart from an important world map of c. 1502 in order to preserve it for posterity, in the way that the creator of the Cornaro Atlas of c. 1489 copied the maps of many earlier cartographers in order to preserve them. 55 This explanation seems unlikely, however. The only parts of the King-Hamy map that are rich in detail are the coasts of Western Europe, the Mediterranean, the Black Sea, and Africa; there is no important information, no indications of new discoveries, no signs of a cartographic masterpiece, in its depiction of the New World or of Asia. On the contrary, there are particularly few place names in these parts of the map.
I will argue that the King-Hamy map was created by Agnese as a historical map designed to show the European image of the world in the early stages of the European expansion. As such, the chart is a document of great importance, not only as an early example of the genre of historical maps, but also as a dramatic cartographic expression of European consciousness of the expansion.
There are historical maps earlier than the King-Hamy map. An anonymous manuscript in the Huntington Library that was made in Lübeck, Germany in 1486-1488 has a remarkable series of historical maps that show the changes in the world leading up to the Apocalypse. 56 The map on f. 6r shows the capitals of the most important empires of world history; the map on f. 9r shows the lordships of the Martin Waldseemüller also includes historical maps on his world map of 1507. In the upper margin one inset map shows the world as known to Ptolemy, and the other shows the regions discovered after Ptolemy, particularly by Marco Polo and Amerigo Vespucci. 58 The Ptolemaic maps produced in the many editions of Ptolemy's Geography in the second half of the fifteenth century and the first half of the sixteenth century illustration 15. detail of the inset maps of the world as known to ptolemy, and the regions discovered after ptolemy, from martin waldseemüller's world map of 1507. washington, dc, library of congress, geography and map division, g3200 1507 .w3. by courtesy of the library of congress.
were often understood as historical maps; this is particularly clear when the editions include tabulae modernae, or maps of the same regions that Ptolemy depicts, but based on recent cartographic information. The labeling of these maps as tabulae modernae entails that the Ptolemaic maps were understood as showing an earlier state of knowledge. 59 In the 1513 edition of the Geography, whose maps were produced by Waldseemüller, and in which the twenty modern maps are grouped together in a separate section following the twenty-seven Ptolemaic maps, the introduction to the modern maps explains that   Geography of Strabo at the end of the Fourth Book, and in the Fifth and Sixth." The other maps in this series are very rare, but some of them survive in a Lafreri atlas in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. 67 Thus the idea of the historical map certainly existed in the sixteenth century; moreover, Agnese himself experimented with historical maps in his atlases. Several of the more elaborate atlases that he produced beginning around 1550 contain a hemispheric map showing the world as it was known to Ptolemy, albeit with some modernization of the shape of southern Africa. The shape of the British Isles and northwestern Africa are straight from Ptolemy, and the maps show the same 180° of the earth's circumference that Ptolemaic world maps do, they and are centered on the same meridian that Ptolemaic world maps are centered on (90° east of the Canary Islands), but the geographic data is rendered in an orthographic projection rather than one of Ptolemy's projections for a world map (see illustration 18). These maps are: 11. Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, MS VIII D 7, implicitly dated by Wagner c. 1560, not seen. 78 12. Florence, Biblioteca Medicea-Laurenziana, Acquisti e Doni 3, implicitly dated by Wagner c. 1560, ff. 27v-28r, an example with no place names. 79 In fact we can trace Agnese's interest in this style of historical maps based on Ptolemy back to 1546, when he made the atlas now in the National Library in St. Petersburg. 80 On ff. 19v-20r of that manuscript there is an elaborate decorative scene of Atlas holding the world (in the form of a globe) on his shoulders, while a man standing to the right clad in Roman clothes takes a measurement from the globe with dividers. 81 Cartographically, the globe depicted in the St. Petersburg manuscript is quite different from Agnese's maps that show the world as it was known to Ptolemy. The projection used on the globe is different, stereographic rather than orthographic; the shape of Africa is essentially modern, and Madagascar is present; the contours of southern Asia are more modern than Ptolemy's, and Taprobana is absent; the globe includes a southern continent; and the image is not centered quite on Ptolemy's meridian. But it is easy to imagine that this image -which was probably painted by specialized artists rather than by Agnese himself-of a globe in a classical setting, with Ptolemy himself taking a measurement from it, got Agnese thinking about the possibilities for historical maps, and inspired the historical maps that appear in his later atlases.
Following possible inspiration by the illustration in the St. Petersburg manuscript, Agnese seems to have based his Ptolemaic hemispheric maps on Ptolemy's so-called third projection, described in the Geography 6.6-7, which Ptolemy designed in order to represent the inhabited hemisphere of the globe on a plane surface. 82  editions of Ptolemy include elaborate diagrammatic illustrations of this projection without a carographic image of the earth, 83 while in one manuscript a map is set within the diagram. 84 Agnese modified what he found in Ptolemy's account of his third projection, though, for his projection is different: his parallels are straight, while Ptolemy's instructions result in curved parallels. 85 The King-Hamy chart is a development of Agnese's historical map of the world as known to Ptolemy in his atlases. One of the chart's curious features is that it shows the world from the North Pole to the South Pole, and that the uppermost and lowermost nodes of the rhumb line network coincide with the North Pole and the South Pole, respectively: this seems like a waste of parchment, given that there is no land indicated south of 33° South. The purpose of this choice is that thus the circle of the nodes of the rhumb line network covers 180° of longitude, just as it covers 180° of latitude. That is, it covers exactly the same west-to-east extent as Ptolemaic world maps, and it is centered at almost the same meridian as Ptolemaic world maps (see illustration 15). Agnese did not center the map on quite the same meridian as Ptolemy, but has shifted the center of the rhumb line network a few degrees to the east, so that his central meridian runs just east of the Strait of Hormuz, rather than just west of it as Ptolemy's does. It is tempting to think that Agnese moved this circle east (in effect) because he wanted to exclude from it the eastern tip of South America, since that continent was not known to Ptolemy, and if the circle had not been moved east, it would have included that point of land.
Regardless of the question of these few degrees, this circle formed by the nodes of the rhumb line network on the King-Hamy chart corresponds very closely indeed with the circular limits of the hemispheric map of the world according to Ptolemy in Agnese's atlases (compare illustrations 1 and 18). That is, the central part of the King-Hamy map, as delimited by the circle formed by the nodes of the rhumb line network, is strikingly similar to the part of the earth's surface depicted in the historic Ptolemaic maps that appear in some of his atlases.
Thus what Agnese has done in the King-Hamy map is use the circle of the rhumb line network to distinguish between the regions known to Ptolemy and those discovered in modern times, to emphasize the increase in knowledge of the world at the beginning of the European expansion. The division made by this circle between the lands known to Ptolemy and more recent discoveries on the King-Hamy map is not perfect: while Labrador, Newfoundland, South America, the Caribbean islands, and the eastern part of Asia that was unknown to Ptolemy are all outside the circle as they should be, the islands of Madagascar, Zanzibar, and Seilan (which were unknown to Ptolemy and first mentioned by Marco Polo), as well as the Cape Verde Islands and some of the Azores (both groups probably discovered in the fifteenth century, though there is some evidence of an earlier discovery of the Azores), 86 fall within it. Any attempt to separate the lands known to Ptolemy from those discovered later with a compass-drawn circle was bound to fail in some regions.
Agnese's method of depicting the European expansion, and also the progress of cartography, as spreading outward from a Ptolemaic core, is more dynamic than the methods used by other sixteenth-century cartographers who manifested an interest in the distinction between the areas know to Ptolemy and those discovered later. Some of these cartographers supply a separate historical map for comparison with a more modern one, for example the Ptolemaic and modern maps in editions of Ptolemy, discussed above. Others, such as Giovanni Contarini (1506)  However, two cartographers besides Agnese evidently conceived the new discoveries as radiating out from a Ptolemaic core. 88 Henricus Martellus, a German cartographer active in Florence in the last decades of the fifteenth century, made several manuscripts of an island book illustrated with maps. In the world map in the Florence manuscript of that work, there is a meridian -the only one marked on the map-that is located precisely so as to indicate the end of Ptolemaic data in the east, and the beginning of data from Marco Polo. 89 And Martin Waldseemüller on his world map of 1507, in addition to the inset Ptolemaic map of the world discussed and illustrated above, centers the main map on Ptolemy's centerline 90° east of the Canary Islands, and very subtly indicates the limits of Ptolemaic knowledge in the west and east. In the far northern part of the map, not all the meridians continue north of the Arctic Circle. In the west, the first one to do so is that through the Canary Islands, which is the Prime Meridian that marks the western limit of Ptolemy's knowledge; and in the east, only one meridian extends north of the Arctic Circle, and that is the meridian at 180° east, which marks the eastern limit of Ptolemy's knowledge (see illustration 16). Waldseemüller thus places a very subtle emphasis on the limits of Ptolemaic knowledge in his main map, and places the part of the world known to Ptolemy at the center of his map, with the recent discoveries to the west and to the east of that Ptolemaic center. The map that is most similar to the King-Hamy chart in terms of its contrast between Ptolemaic geographical knowledge and post-Ptolemaic discoveries is Peter Apian's world map of 1530 (see illustration 20). 90 Apian centers the map on the meridian that was Ptolemy's 90°E, that is, the same meridian on which Ptolemy centered his world maps, and uses heavy meridians to indicate Ptolemy's Prime Meridian and 180° E, that is, the western and eastern limits of Ptolemy's geographical knowledge. And the cartographer emphasizes the contrast between Ptolemaic knowledge and more recent discoveries in smaller inset maps in the upper left and right corners of the map. The figures beside the two inset maps are Ptolemy and Vespucci, inspired of course by the figures on Waldseemüller's 1507 map, but the inset maps are more dramatic than those on Waldseemüller's map. That to which Ptolemy points in the upper left corner is a small replica of Apian's cordiform map, but shows only the part of the world that was known to Ptolemy -the rest of the map is blank. That to which Vespucci points in the upper right corner is again a small replica of Apian's map, but here the central Ptolemaic part of the map is blank, and the details of the more recently discovered areas are filled in (see illustration 21). Apian's depiction of the world as centered on the Ptolemaic regions, with the more recently discovered areas surrounding that Ptolemaic center, is very similar to what we see in the King-Hamy chart. The inset maps on Apian's chart make the illustration 20. peter apian's cordiform world map of 1530, which clearly delimits the part of the world known to ptolemy surrounded by lands more recently discovered (british library maps c.7.c.16.). © british library board.
contrast between these two regions very sharp, while on the King-Hamy chart, which lacks any such supplementary illustrations, the contrast is less pronounced. 91 Agnese is the only cartographer I know to incorporate these Ptolemaic boundaries into a nautical chart format; paradoxically, he indicates those Ptolemaic boundaries using the graphical tools (rhumb lines) of the nautical chart tradition. The King-Hamy chart thus represents a remarkable mixture of cartographic genres.
There is a map contemporary with the King-Hamy which, although it does not make a visual distinction between regions known to Ptolemy and those beyond Ptolemy, has a description of this distinction in its upper margin. The map is Giacomo Gastaldi's Dell'Universale of 1550, which survives in a single exemplar at the British Library. 92 That text reads:  The universal circle of the lands was divided by the ancients into three parts, namely Europe, Africa, and Asia, which parts have a longitude of 180 degrees, beginning from the Canary Islands, the first degree [i.e. the prime meridian]; and in latitude 63 degrees to the north beginning at the first degree at the equator, and to the south ten degrees. All the rest that one sees of longitude, which are another 180 degrees, was discovered by the moderns, namely the West Indies, which today people call the New World, because none of the ancients knew it or made mention of it.
The distinction between regions known to Ptolemy and the regiones extra Ptolemaeum, "regions beyond Ptolemy," which is indicated graphically in some of the maps just discussed, is indicated textually in early sixteenth-century geographical books. In their Cosmographiae introductio of 1507, printed to accompany Waldseemüller's 1507 world map, Matthias Ringmann and Martin Waldseemüller have a section on regions that are Extra Ptholemaeum, "beyond Ptolemy." 94 Henricus Glareanus in his De geographia liber unus (Basel: Ioannes Faber, 1527), following descriptions of Europe, Africa, and Asia, titles his final chapter "De regionibus extra Ptolemaeum" ("On the Regions Beyond Ptolemy") (chapter 50, ff. 35r-35v). And in a very interesting passage in chapter 17 on how Ptolemy and his followers paint world maps, Glareanus explains that Ptolemy paints two quadrants, that is, 180° of longitude, from west to east, and modern cartographers paint the two other quadrants, that is, the other 180° of longitude, on either side of Ptolemy's. 95 This is exactly how Peter Apian depicts the world in his 1530 map, and is very similar to how Agnese depicts it in the King-Hamy map. Johann Schöner uses an arrangement similar to Glareanus's in his Opusculum geographicaum (Nuremberg: Joannes Petreius, 93. "The Universal Orb of the earth was divided according to the ancients into three parts, namely Europe, Africa and Asia, which parts have a longitude of 115.30 degrees, starting at the Canary Islands, the first degree. And latitude towards Tramontana sixty-three degrees, starting the first degree from the Equinox, and ten degrees towards noon. All the rest that can be seen in longitude, which are another one hundred and eighty degrees, has been discovered by moderns, that is, the western India, which today people call the New World, because it was never mentioned before by any ancient". This text from Gastaldi's map was brought to my attention by Lois 1533). Following his descriptions of Europe, Africa, and Asia, he has a chapter "De regionibus extra Ptolemaeum" ("On the Regions Beyond Ptolemy," chapter 20), another "De insulis circa Asiam ac Indiam & novas regiones huius tertiae orbis partis" ("On the Islands near Asia and Indian and the New Regions of this Third Part of the World, chapter 21), followed by a paragraph on Brazil. So the distinction between Ptolemaic regions and regions beyond Ptolemy was emphasized in both maps and texts of the first half of the sixteenth century.
As far as the date of the King-Hamy map, I propose that it was made by Agnese in about 1552, a date that makes it contemporary with his closely related experiments with historical maps in his atlases, which range in date from about 1550 to about 1560. The King-Hamy map shows a channel separating England and Scotland, and as Wagner noted, sometime around 1552 to 1553 Agnese changed his depiction of the British Isles: his atlases made before that time include the channel, but his atlases made afterward do not. 96 A date of c. 1552 places the map on the correct side of this divide.
When the King-Hamy chart is understood as a historical map created by Agnese around 1552, many of its otherwise puzzling features make sense. 97 It is not the earliest map to include Cabo raso (Cape Race, southeastern Newfoundland). 98 The lack of detail in the depictions of the New World and of Asia, particularly in contrast to the numerous coastal toponyms of Europe and Africa, is deliberate, intended to show the poor state of knowledge of those distant lands at the beginning of the European expansion. This intentional archaicizing is especially clear in the paucity of place names in eastern Asia and in non-Ptolemaic islands of southern Asia. As indicated above, the contours of eastern Asia demonstrate that Agnese was using a map in the tradition of Martellus's world map now at Yale for his depiction of that area. But all of those maps show more place names in eastern Asia than the its image of Taprobana straight out of Ptolemy: this vision of the region was long out of date in the 1550s.
The striking mixture of cartographic genres on the King-Hamy chart, the use of nautical charts in the west and of Ptolemy and Martellus in the east, allows Agnese to capture an important moment in the cartographic history of the European expansion, namely when cartographers realized that West Africa had been located too far north on maps with respect to the equator. The function of Agnese's double equator is to record that change, and it has nothing to do with the double equators used on mid-sixteenth-century charts to compensate for magnetic declination in voyages across the Atlantic. 99  This is the modern true shape of Africa according to the description of the Portuguese, from the Mediterranean Sea to the southern ocean.
Johann Schöner also indicated the importance of this change on his terrestrial globe of 1515: he maps Africa according to modern discoveries, with West Africa well north of the equator, but also indicates the outline of Africa from Waldseemüller's map of 1507, to show the change he had made from Waldseemüller's model in this regard. 102 If the King-Hamy chart was made as a historical map, we might expect that it would have some textual indication of this role, but of Agnese's several historical maps in his atlases, examined above, only one (Greenwich, National Maritime Museum, P/24, number 7 in the list above) carries any such indication. So evidently such an indication of the map's nature was not thought necessary. There is also the question of the circumstances under which such a historical map, designed to show the early stages of the European expansion, was made, and its intended audience. Who would have commissioned it, and in what context would it have been used or displayed? Unfortunately we can do no more than explore possibilities and speculate.
The clients commissioning Agnese's atlases could choose which maps were included in them, and given that eleven of his surviving atlases include his Ptolemaic historical map, there was interest in historical maps in the marketplace. One suspects that the client who commissioned a separate large historical map that showed the image of the world from fifty years earlier would need to be both more wealthy than Agnese's average customer and more cartographically sophisticated. Agnese had made an atlas for the young Philip II of Spain (1527-1598), and Philip was both very wealthy and had a strong interest in maps. Ortelius's Theatrum orbis terrarum of 1570 was dedicated to Philip, and later editions of the work included historical maps that came to be gathered in a separate section titled the Parergon, 103 but Philip's interest seems to have been in maps as tools for conquest and control, rather than as historical documents. 104 A perhaps more likely candidate is Cosimo I de' Medici (1519-1574), for whom Agnese made an atlas around 1543-45, 105 and who in the 1560s had the Guardaroba Nuova in Florence's Palazzo Vecchio decorated with an elaborate series of modernized Ptolemaic maps. 106 Perhaps Cosimo had been thinking about the development of modern maps from Ptolemaic maps in the 1550s? 107 It would seem reasonable to expect that a map made for Philip II or Cosimo I or another noble patron would bear that noble's coat of arms, whereas there is no coat of arms on the King-Hamy chart. But in fact many nautical charts that were expensive commissions do not bear the commissioner's coat of arms. It is certainly an engaging exercise to speculate about a specific noble patron for the King-Hamy chart, and to try to fit the chart with what we know about that patron's cartographic interests, but there simply is not enough evidence to generate confidence in any such ascription. Moreover, many other wealthy clients with an interest in cartographic history might have visited Agnese's workshop -or perhaps Agnese made the chart as an experiment, to satisfy his own curiosity or to test the market. The intended function of this historical map must have been didactic, but it does not seem possible to say more about who commissioned it or why.

The Evidence of British Library Add. MS 31316
One final manuscript that needs to be addressed in connection with the King-Hamy map is British Library Add. MS 31316, an anonymous eight-folio atlas consisting mostly of nautical charts, but also containing a world map and a map of Taprobana that stand outside the nautical chart tradition. The maps are as follows; they are oriented with north at the top, except where indicated otherwise: 1. 1r, world map on a homeotheric projection with a grid of latitude and longitude, upside down on the page (for example with south at the top) ff. 1v-2r, nautical chart of the British Isles and northwestern Europe ff. 2v-3r, the eastern Atlantic with the coast of Spain and northwestern Africa ff. 3v-4r, the western Mediterranean, from the Strait of Gibraltar to western Italy f. 4v, the central Mediterranean, from Italy to western Greece f. 5r, the North Atlantic, including the land of the Corte Real and Terra Laboratoris, the Azores, and the northeastern coast of South America, with south at the top f. 5v, the central Atlantic, including West Africa and northeastern South America, with south at the top f. 6r, the western Indian Ocean, including the eastern coast of Africa, the Persian Gulf in the north, and India with Calicut in the east ff. 6v-7r, the Adriatic ff. 7v-8r, Greece f. 8v, a map of Taprobana based on Ptolemy, not a nautical chart, but without Ptolemy's grid of latitude and longitude There are discontinuities and inconsistencies of design in the maps. Following f. 4v, which depicts the eastern Mediterranean and is oriented with north at the top, we expect its continuation on f. 5r, but instead we have the North Atlantic oriented with south at the top, and the map on f. 5r lacks the decorative border along the outside edge of the page that we find on the preceding nautical charts in the atlas. Further, in addition to the geographic and physical discontinuity between the maps on f. 5v (central Atlantic) and f. 6r (western Indian Ocean), the color schemes are different, and both maps lack the decorative border along the outside edge of the page. And the maps on f. 1r (world) and 8v (Taprobana) are not nautical charts. The atlas is a composite.
The possibility had been suggested that the atlas was made by Grazioso Benincasa, 108 but the strong similarities between the depictions of Terra Laboratoris and the land of Corte Real on f. 5r of the atlas (see illustration 22) with those same lands on the King-Hamy chart (see illustration 10) make it clear that the same cartographer was responsible for both. 109 And there are other elements of the atlas that connect it with the King-Hamy chart. First, on the map of the British Isles and northwestern Europe on ff. 1v-2r there is a decorative star very similar to those on the King-Hamy chart and Agnese's nautical charts in Wolfenbüttel, Munich, and Parma discussed above. The star in BL Add. MS 31316 is located on a node of the rhumb line network, rather than outside the circle of nodes like the stars on the King-Hamy chart and Agnese's nautical charts, but then the layout of the world map in Add. MS 31316 leaves almost no room outside the circle of nodes. Second, on f. 5r of the atlas in the British Library, the Azores are labeled Insule solis, which is also the case on the King-Hamy chart, and as we have seen, this toponym is a characteristic element of Agnese's cartography. Third, some of the capital lettering illustration 22. detail of the land of corte real and terra laboratoris in the north atlantic in british library add. ms 31316, f. 5r-compare illustration 9. © british library board.
illustration 23. the world map in british library add. ms 31316, f. 1r, whose contours are similar to those of the king-hamy chart (compare illustration 1). © british library board.
in the atlas matches Agnese's, particularly that on f. 5r (Corte Real, Terra Laboratoris, Insule solis) and on the map of Taprobana on f. 8v (India intra Gangen Fluvium).
Another connection between Add. MS 31316 and the King-Hamy chart that I have not seen mentioned is that the geography of the world map on f. 1r is very similar to that of the King-Hamy chart (see illustration 23 and compare it with illustration 1). Certainly there are significant differences between the two maps: that in Add. MS 31316 is on a homeotheric projection, has a grid of latitude and longitude, and covers all 360° of the earth's longitude; while the King-Hamy chart is mainly based on nautical chart cartography, and only covers about 290° of longitude. And their depictions of the Sea of Azov, the British Isles, and the northwestern corner of Africa are quite different: in the Add. MS 31316 world map these elements are much closer to their shapes on Ptolemaic maps.
But the similarities between the maps are compelling. Although the world map in Add. MS 31316 covers 70° more of longitude than the King-Hamy chart, the only additional geographical elements it incudes are Japan off the eastern coast of Asia and the western coast of South America. Both maps are centered on what was Ptolemy's meridian of 90°E, that is, the central meridian of Ptolemy's world map. Both maps show the northern coast of Asia running east and west, with an almost 90° "corner" in northeastern Asia; their depictions of the islands from Seylan to Java Major are very similar, and both place Madagascar and Zanzibar -unlabeled on the world map in Add. MS 31316-well out in the Indian Ocean, far from the eastern coast of Africa and east of Ptolemy's meridian of 90°E. The shape of the Red Sea, with its western shore running almost north and south, is very similar in the two maps, and the Add. MS 31316 map has unlabeled islands that are certainly intended to represent Terra Laboratoris and Corte Real, as the King-Hamy map does. The contours of South America are similar on the two maps, and both show Cuba and Isabella (Hispaniola), but none of the North American continent.
The world map in Add. MS 31316 seems to show Agnese experimenting with essentially the same early sixteenth-century geographical dataset that found expression in the King-Hamy map, using a different projection, and including a few more Ptolemaic elements. As Add. MS 31316 is a composite, it is challenging to date. The involvement of Agnese in the making of the atlas places the atlas within his known period of cartographic activity, 1536 to 1564; the separation of England and Scotland by a channel on the map on ff. 1v-2r indicates a date before 1553, at least for that map; 110 the depiction of Terra Laboratoris and Corte Real on f. 5r, which is so similar to the depictions of those lands on the King-Hamy map, suggests a date of c. 1552 for that map. I do not see any evidence that militates against a date of c. 1550 for the atlas.
The depiction of the world in the map on f. 1r, particularly with regard to the lack of a representation of North America and the Ptolemy-and Martellus-based depiction of Asia, is representative of maps of the first twenty years of the sixteenth century. Thus although on this map Agnese does not delimit Ptolemaic from post-110. Wagner, Henry R. "The Manuscript Atlases...": 27-28.
Ptolemaic knowledge as he does on the King-Hamy map, the map is certainly designed as a historical map: made in approximately 1550, it shows the European understanding of the world some thirty or forty years earlier. Moreover, Add. MS 31316 contains at least two other historical maps. The depiction of the western Indian Ocean in the map on f. 6r is very similar to that on the King-Hamy chart, particularly with regard to the Ptolemaic shape of the Persian Gulf, which is very different from the shape of the Persian Gulf on Agnese's modern maps: compare illustration 5. And the map of Taprobana on f. 8v is clearly based on Ptolemy.
Thus Add. MS 31316 provides additional evidence of Agnese's engagement with historical maps, and in particular, shows that he had experimented with a historical world map using a dataset very similar to that in the King-Hamy map, that is, he had experimented with a historical world map that depicted the European conception of the world in the early sixteenth century, at the beginning of the European expansion, much as the King-Hamy map does.

Conclusions
Battista Agnese has often been characterized as an unoriginal cartographer, but this investigation of the King-Hamy chart has demonstrated that he made multiple experiments with historical maps, a genre which was in the early stages of its development at the middle of the sixteenth century. The King-Hamy map is by far his most elaborate surviving example of this type, boldly mixing cartographic genres to shed light on the development of the European expansion and the history of its portrayal in maps. It is understandable that in the past the chart has been thought to date from the first few years of the sixteenth century, and to contain one of the earliest cartographic depictions of the New World, for Agnese intended for it to represent the European understanding of the world's geography at that period. I would argue that the map is much more interesting when understood as a historical map than when it is thought to include an early depiction of the New World that teaches us nothing about the early exploration of that region.
Important questions remain about the intended audience for the King-Hamy chart. We may speculate that a noble with a strong interest in cartography, history, and exploration commissioned the map, but we can do no more than conjecture. But Agnese's other historical maps from the same period, including the hemispheric historical maps in some of his atlases and a few of the maps in Add. MS 31316, show that there was indeed a market for historical maps at the middle of the sixteenth century.